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Sir Keir Starmer traveled to Wales' northern region on Thursday to declare the construction of a fresh nuclear energy facility. This represents a significant policy event with implications at local and countrywide levels. Yet, the prime minister did not devote much time in Wales to advocating solutions for the UK's energy needs. Rather, he spent it attempting to put an end to the Labour leadership briefing row, informing reporters that No 10 had not undermined the health secretary’s ambitions in recent days.

Therefore, Sir Keir’s day acted as a small-scale example of what his premiership has now become overall. On the one hand, he desires his government to be performing, and to be perceived as performing, important things. On the other hand, he is incapable to accomplish this due to the way he – and, partly, the country more generally – now conducts politics and government.

The Prime Minister cannot transform the political culture on his own, but he can take action about his own role in it. The plain fact is that he could manage the government's core far better than he does. If he did this, he could discover that the country was in less despair about his administration than it is, and that he was communicating his points more effectively.

Staffing Issues in No 10

A number of the issues in Number 10 relate to personnel. The interpersonal relations of any No 10 regime are difficult to discern accurately from the exterior. Yet it appears clear that Sir Keir fails to make sound staffing decisions, or stick with them. Perhaps he is too busy. Possibly he lacks genuine interest. But he needs to up his game, avoid slow progress or by halves.

• He dithered about assigning the crucial role of top civil servant to a senior official.
• He appointed a former official his chief of staff, then replaced her with a political strategist.
• He recruited a Treasury figure in from the Treasury as his chief secretary.
• His media advisors have been frequently replaced.
• Political and policy advisers have entered and exited.
• The situation is chaotic.

Structural Challenges at the Core of the Administration

All premiers spend too much time abroad and on international matters, where Sir Keir should delegate more, and too little talking to MPs and listening to the public. Prime ministers also allocate too much time engaging with the press, which Sir Keir compounds by doing it poorly. Yet leaders cannot express surprise when their politically appointed staff, who tend to be party loyalists or politically ambitious, cross lines or become the story, as Mr McSweeney now has.

The most significant problems, though, are systemic. It would be good to believe that Sir Keir read the a think tank's March 2024 study on reforming the centre of government. His inability to address these matters in the summer or afterward suggests he did not. The often abject experience of Labour’s time in office suggests recommendations like reorganizing the functions of the central government office and Downing Street, and dividing the positions of top official and civil service head, are now urgent.

The political pre-eminence of prime ministers far outdistances the support available to them. Consequently, everything currently suffers, and much is done badly or ignored.

This is not Sir Keir’s fault alone. He stands as the casualty of past failures along with the author of current mistakes. But those who hoped Sir Keir might get a grip on the core and prioritize governmental structures have been let down. Unfortunately, the biggest loser from this shortcoming is Sir Keir personally.